WASHINGTON
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Map,
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If mass torts are the all-out war of class-action lawsuits, their
kissing cousins are traditional class-action lawsuits and related
securities suits. The economic impact of tort litigation is enormous.
According to a study released Tuesday by the Pacific Research
Institute, a conservative think tank, the total costs of litigation on
the American economy, including the dampening of innovation and growth,
now exceeds $865 billion per year.Mass torts are
sprawling cases in which it is often difficult to establish a single
set of fact patterns and a defined class. Traditional class-action
suits usually involve a more easily defined group. They often focus on
allegations of defective products, discrimination, or price fixing.
Pharmaceutical giant Merck faces more than 28,000 lawsuits over its arthritis drug, Vioxx.
Merck
pulled Vioxx from the market after studies showed it increased the risk
of heart attacks and strokes. Legal battles over “class” status in a
potential $15 billion Vioxx case are under way in New Jersey.
Another
big class-action case is Dukes v. Wal-Mart. In 2001, class-action
lawyers launched a discrimination suit against Wal-Mart on behalf of
Betty Dukes, a company employee, and five former female employees. The
suit claimed Dukes and the others were denied opportunities for
advancement because they are women.
Because the suit covers
current and former employees, the “class” could be as many as 2 million
women, with billions of dollars at stake.
The Wal-Mart case shows
three key elements in a class-action lawsuit. One, lead plaintiffs — in
this case, Betty Dukes and the former employees; technically, the case
is brought by the lead plaintiffs on behalf of the class. Two, a
definable class: female Wal-Mart employees. And three, certification of
the class by a judge. In February, class certification was granted in
the case. Barring a reversal, the case is headed for trial.
Or is it?
In
fact, most cases are settled before trial. Once firmly in the
crosshairs of a skilled class-action law firm, the stakes quickly
escalate for business leaders.
The discovery process begins.
This legal phase allows class-action lawyers to comb through company
files for evidence and interview corporate executives.
The
discovery phase can be lengthy, wide-ranging, highly invasive and
costly. Bad publicity takes a toll on stock price, morale, and
innovation. Many corporations decide to settle, bitterly complaining of
a shakedown.
“These are not just legal wars,” class-action
super-lawyer Richard “Dickie” Scruggs recently told the New York Times.
“They are public relations and political wars.”
The king of
class-action law firms, Milberg Weiss, specializes in the highly
lucrative field of securities suits. Last May, a federal grand jury in
Los Angeles indicted Milberg Weiss and two of its partners on fraud
charges in connection with an alleged decadeslong conspiracy to funnel
$11 million in “secret kickback payments” to bogus lead plaintiffs in
securities suits.
Milberg founder Melvyn Weiss and former
partner William Lerach were not indicted. Lerach left the firm in 2004.
The firm and the two indicted partners vigorously deny the charges.
In
a securities class-action suit, trial lawyers sue publicly traded
companies on behalf of a shareholder class. The suits usually allege
financial misstatements, reporting omissions or other actions that
trigger declines in stock prices.
“Securities cases are often
frivolous,” says Philip K. Howard, the author of several books about
lawsuits and founder of the advocacy group Common Good. “Claims are
filed not based on any knowledge of wrongdoing — the company just
didn’t do well. But you have a whole industry of lawyers who, when
something goes wrong at a company, decide they want to cash in.”
For
trial lawyers, the winning payouts are staggering. According to a
recent study by Institutional Shareholder Services, securities
class-action settlements topped $18 billion in 2006. Lerach’s new firm,
Lerach Coughlin, earned more than $7 billion in securities settlements
in 2006. Milberg Weiss came in fourth in the survey, with $1.6 billion.
Weiss
and Lerach pioneered the class-action tactics adopted by a generation
of trial lawyers. Whether it’s mass torts, traditional class-action
suits or securities suits, the aim is the same: pressure the company
into a settlement without going to trial.
In an article for the
San Jose Mercury News, Cypress Semiconductor CEO T. J. Rodgers
described what it’s like to be the target of a suit. Following an
earnings revision and a drop in Cypress stock, class-action lawyers
sued the company for fraud. During discovery, “we spent two years and
$1 million providing 750,000 pages of memoranda for the other side,”
Rodgers wrote.
The trial lawyers offered to settle. All Cypress
had to do was fork over $120 million. Rodgers refused. A judge later
dismissed the case, saying “no reasonable jury could find that any of
Cypress’ statements were false or misleading.”
Despite such occasional defeats, the class-action bar shows no signs of backing away from its lucrative practices.
Prospects for legislative reform are dim.
The
tort bar quickly found its way around the last two major pieces of
reform legislation, the 1995 Private Securities Litigation Reform Act,
aimed at giving judges more power in securities cases, and the 2005
Class Action Fairness Act, designed to prevent “forum shopping” of
class actions to jurisdictions known for awarding huge payouts.
But
pending actions in criminal courts could spell trouble for the tort
bar. In the Milberg Weiss fraud trial, scheduled to begin next January
in Los Angeles, testimony is likely to focus public attention on
exorbitant fees, fraudulent practices and payoffs to bogus plaintiffs.
And
in Kentucky, a federal grand jury is probing allegation of fraud by
class-action lawyers in grabbing millions in settlement funds intended
for plaintiffs.
Uniting the Milberg Weiss and Kentucky cases:
suspicion among critics that the alleged criminal practices are
widespread. If prosecutors prove those suspicions true, the
class-action bar is facing a drubbing in the court of public opinion —
and possible legal and legislative consequences.